UN honours Ethiopian peacekeepers

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By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

ADDIS ABABA– The United Nations has honoured Ethiopia for its significant contributions to UN’s vast Peacekeeping operations, the Ethiopian ministry of foreign affairs said on Friday.

At a ceremony held at UN headquarters in New York to mark International Day of UN Peacekeepers, the United Nations has awarded Ethiopia a medal in honour of its peacekeepers, who sacrificed their lives during line of duty in different peace keeping missions.

Ambassador Tekeda Alemu, Permanent Representative of Ethiopia to the United Nation, received the medal awarded to Ethiopia.

The Ministry said Ethiopia has been actively participating in UN peacekeeping operations based on its firm conviction on the principle of collective security enshrined in the UN Charter since the establishment of the United Nations.

Ethiopia, with nearly 8,000 peacekeepers currently serving in UN Peacekeeping Missions around the world is Africa’s top contributing nation.

The horn of Africa’s nation is also world’s fourth largest contributor in terms of the number of its peacekeepers deployed under the United Nations umbrella

Currently Ethiopian Peacekeepers are serving in various UN peacekeeping missions including in Abyei, Darfur and South Sudan.

In addition, more than 4 thousand Ethiopian peacekeepers are deployed in Somalia as part of the AU peace support operation in that country.

The country has for years played significant role in the success of UN peacekeeping and its participation is the most tangible contribution to restoring international peace and security.

(ST)

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Ethiopia Spends Very Little Money on Its Military — And It Works

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The question is … how?

By ROBERT BECKHUSEN

There’s a few unusual things about Ethiopia. First, it has a pretty small military budget. Second, it’s in a dangerous neighborhood. Addis Ababa is in a cold war with its heavily-armed neighbor Eritrea and shares a border with Somalia—home to the terror group Al Shabaab.

At the same time, the Ethiopian military is pretty good.

“In part due to previous lessons learned, to date Ethiopia has been able to foil any significant terrorist attacks by Al Shabaab, though not for lack of trying by the terrorist organization,” OE Watch, the U.S. Army’s Foreign Military Studies Office monthly newsletter, recently noted.

The Ethiopians “scare the Hell out of everybody,” Alexander Rondos, the European Union’s representative for the Horn of Africa, said in 2014.

By global standards, Ethiopia’s military spending as a percentage of its GDP is low—only around 0.8 percent—which puts it in the bottom half of countries.

By African standards, the dollar amount spent—around $330 million per year or so depending on the source—is middling. Ethiopia is one of the few countries on the continent that decreased its defense budget during the past decade, according to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

Despite this, Ethiopia has one of the strongest armies in Africa, arguably outmatched only by Egypt, Algeria and South Africa. And these three countries spend far more on their militaries, both in per capita terms and in actual dollars, than Ethiopia.

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At top and above—Ethiopian troops in Somalia. African Union photos

Ethiopia fields more than 135,000 soldiers and hundreds of T-55 and T-72 tanks. Boosting this firepower, Ethiopia bought 200 more T-72 tanks from Ukraine in 2011.

Its air force is tiny, but fields a diverse group of older Russian fighters and more capable Su-27s and Czech-made L-39 trainers. The landlocked country, to be sure, has no navy.

The Ethiopian army is currently the fourth largest contributor to peacekeeping missions in the world when it comes to raw manpower. In short—don’t mess with Ethiopia.

So what is Addis Ababa doing right? Here’s a few tips. Focus on training, try to build weapons yourself and learn from experience.
A lot the country’s success derives from hard lessons learned during the Eritrean-Ethiopian War in the late 1990s. The badly-equipped Ethiopians took heavy losses and tens of thousands of soldiers died.

“It took several months and lots of money for the country to revamp the military and repel Eritrea’s attack,” journalist Abel Abate Demissie wrote in The Reporter. “Consequently, the country started to modernize its military and security apparatus both in terms of quality and quantity.”

Ethiopia invested heavily in training and producing its own weapons. Addis Ababa now makes its own version of the AK-47 rifle and PKM machine gun. It assembles its own grenade launchers and ammunition. The country’s arms industry can manufacture and refurbish tanks and armored vehicles—although they’re older Soviet-style models.

Ethiopia also churns out a lot of hardware for other African militaries engaged in peacekeeping. The country is the main weapons manufacturer for the African Union.

“Some say the best lesson Ethiopia learned,” OE Watch noted, “which it readily implements, is to launch proactive strikes against its enemies.”
But there’s an ugly side to this. Ethiopian troops have often extended those proactive strikes against civilians.

In 2006, Ethiopia invaded Somalia, occupied Mogadishu and overthrew the ruling Islamic Courts Union. This resulted in a new civil war with the violently jihadist Al Shabaab taking the comparatively-moderate ICU’s place.

The Ethiopian troops largely withdrew in 2009 under pressure from the African Union, which had deployed peacekeepers into the lawless country.

One reason A.U. wanted them gone—the Ethiopian soldiers murdered a lot of people. They gang-raped women and slaughtered Somali civilians “like goats,” a 2008 Amnesty International report stated.

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Ethiopian troops in Baidoa, Somalia on June 22, 2014. African Union photo

“Ethiopian soldiers were accused of committing a wide range of atrocities, including firing mortars on civilian hospitals, press institutions, and houses, and rape, theft, kidnapping, and murder of Somali civilians,” according to a 2014 study published by the U.S. Army’s Joint Special Operations University.

But in 2014, the Ethiopians formally joined the African force and returned to Somalia. Today, there’s nearly 4,400 of Addis Ababa’s soldiers in the country—part of the 22,126-strong A.U. contingent.

Somalis still widely loathe the Ethiopians, but the troops are under A.U. command—and Somalia is now more stable than it has been in years.

Ethiopia has avoided a large-scale Al Shabaab attack, such as the 2013 siege on the Westgate shopping mall in Nairbobi, Kenya. Sixty-seven people died in the assault.

But this has a lot to do with Ethiopia aggressively policing its border. One factor that’s helped is that the terror group doesn’t exert much influence near the border. Instead, its territory directly abuts against Kenya.

Politicians and generals around the world often argue that bigger budgets and military effectiveness have a direct correlation — like a formula that shows an army getting tougher the more money you pour into it.

But a bloated budget can lead to a military being worse off—if a country squanders the money and spends it on the wrong things.

“In emphasizing troop training and modern, domestically produced, equipment, [Ethiopia] has managed to keep its military expenditures low, its armed forces well prepared, and its territory relatively safe from attack,” OE Watch stated.

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አገር ማለት

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አገር በታሪክ በቋንቋ በሀይማኖት በልምድ በተስፋ በደስታና በመክራ ተሳስሮ የሚኖር አንድ ወገን የሆነ ሕዝብ የሚኖርበት የዓለም ክፍል ነው:: አገር ማለት አያት ቅድም አያት የትወለዱበት አድገውም በጀግንነት ከውጭ ጠላት እየትከላከሉ ለሕዝብና ለመንግስት የሚጥቅም ሥራ ሠርትው እድሜያቸው ሲደርስም ልጆቻችውን ተክተው የተቀበሩበት ጉድጓድ ነው:: በመወለድ እትብት በመሞት አካል ከአፈሩ ጋራ ስለ ሚዋሐዱ የአገሩ አፈር ሕዝብ በላዩ የሚኖርበት ማለት ነው:: እግዚአብሔር ከምድርዋ ፍሬ ሕይወት እንዲጋኝባት በማድረጉ አገር እየጠባች የምታሳድግ ፍቅርዋ በአጥንት በሥጋ ገብቶ የማይደመሰስ የሆንች እናት ማለት ነው:: ከልጅነት ጀምሮ ወንዙን ተራራውን ሜዳውን ቆላውንና ደጋውን በማየት ስለ ማደግ አባቶች በሕህወትና በሞት የሥሩበት ደግ ሥራ በአእምሮ ታትሞ ስለ ቀረ በአገር እስካሉ ሲታይ በስድት ሲሆኒ ሲታሰብ ፍቅርና ናፍቆት የሚያሳድር አገር ነው:: አገር አባት እናት ዘመድ ምግብ ጌጥና ሀብት በመሆኑ ድህንትና ጥቃት በመጣ ቁጥር እስካ ሞት ድረስ እንዲሠራበት ከአያት ከቅድም አያትና ከአባቶች በጥብቅ የተሰጠ ያደራ ገንዘብ ነው::

ከታሪክና ምሳሌ (3 ኛ ምጽሐፍ)

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10 Of The Deadliest Weapons In The World

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There are more dangerous things than an angry woman, believe it or not. Beyond guns, you’d be surprised to learn which weapons can do the most damage. Perhaps it’s our obsession with Forensic Files or just being a curious bunch, but we decided to put together a list for all of you who are interested to learn about some of these instruments of destruction.

1) Flamethrower

hellinahandbasket

hellinahandbasket

As you probably know, a flamethrower is an incendiary device that projects a long stream of fire. They were first used during World War I and then in other wars, often considered one of the most horrific ways to die. They were developed as a shock weapon and to penetrate the trench defensive. In terms of negatives: The range isn’t far when using one of these and it’s extremely dangerous to carry as you have flammable liquid on your back (not smart).

2) Lightweight Machine Gun

wikipedia

wikipedia

There are different kinds of machine guns, so we’ll focus on the smaller ones such as the above M249. It’s one of the safest to use, lightweight machine guns you can buy. It’s belt-fed, air-cooled and performs at a fast speed. Recently, in a United States desert test, one of these successfully fired a total of 104,000 rounds using a single barrel. That’s impressive.

3) Lockheed AC-130 Spectre Gunship

wikipedia

wikipedia

The sole user of this powerful weapon is the United States Air Force, specifically used in air support roles: supporting troops, transporting, escorting convoys, etc. The Spectre has helped in many wars and  life-saving close air support missions. These aircrafts are heavily armed with sophisticated navigation, sensors, and fire control systems to provide firepower during bad weather conditions or loiter periods. It can also attack two targets at the same time.

4) DSR-50 Sniper Rifle

guns.ru

guns.ru

The DSR-50 is one of many kinds of sniper rifles. It fires the very powerful .50 caliber round with free-floating barrel technology and great accuracy. It’s lightweight and short in length with an adjustable butt sock and cheek piece. They do not recoil or jump when fired, one of the many reasons why one of these can cost up to $25,000.

5) Napalm Bomb

hippiefreak69

hippiefreak69

Napalm is explosive material made with Petroleum jelly. The bomb can produce a temperature of around 1200 degrees Celsius.  It was developed to be used in wars, such as the Vietnam War as incendiary bombs. Later, Magnesium was added to ensure that greater harm would be made on the enemy by making the burns worse when water is added. Then, lead was added to make the bombs poisonous. You definitely don’t want to be around when one of these drops.

6) AK-47

fanpop

fanpop

The AK-47 assault rifle came about during World War II where the Nazi army was the first to field them in great quantity. It was desirable because it was cheap to make, requires little to no training, and could be used in terrible weather conditions. Currently, it has become the world’s most effective combat weapon and killing machine in history according to many people and experts.

7) Assault Rifle (F2000)

military-today

military-today

The F2000 assault rifle is ranked one of the most dangerous guns in the world. It’s fully automatic and was first displayed in 2001 at Abu Dhabi. You better watch out because it can make 850 rounds a minute and has an effective range of 500m. Oh, and did I mention that it has a lightweight 40mm grenade launcher that uses low velocity grenades. Pretty cool, right?

8) Taranis

telegraph

telegraph

It only costs around $336 million and hasn’t even made its debut on the field yet. It’s designed to go at record speeds and fly undetected by radar. Take a look at this footage to see it in action:

9) Advanced Heavy Machine Gun

wikipedia

wikipedia

This is the kind of machine gun (XM307 ACSW) that gets a lot of damage done. It has the ability to be mounted on a vehicle and has two usable guns. It can obliterate helicopters, vehicles, water crafts and people (of course). The machine gun is also able to fire at a constant rate of 260 rounds in a minute. In other words–watch out.

10) F-22 Raptor (Fighter Jet)

military-today

military-today

The Lockheed Martin F-22 Raptor is a twin-engine, fifth-generation supersonic fighter aircraft. Capabilities: ground attack, electronic warfare, transporting, and more. The F-22 has previously had issues, such as oxygen problems for the pilots and high production costs. However, it’s currently the Air Force’s top fighter jet. It will soon have revolutionary software capable of using long-range radar mapping to find targets and direct small bombs to enemies.

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Ethiopia to Deploy Police Officers to South Sudan, Abyie

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ENA

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Addis Ababa-Ethiopia will deploy 30 police officers to South Sudan and Abyie region at the end of this month to support the peace keeping mission in the area, the Federal Police Commission announced.

Some 25 of the total police officers will be deployed to South Sudan, while the remaining five officers will be deployed to Abiye region under the UN umbrella, Commander Aster Andualem, Head of Foreign Training and Peacekeeping with the Commission told ENA.

According to the Commander, additional five officers are expected to be deployed to Darfur.The officers will provide training to the local police officers alongside with the peacekeeping mission.The Commission has provided pre-mission training, necessary for officers to be engaged in international missions locally, she added.

Previously, police officers who joined international peacekeeping missions had been receiving pre-missiontrainings in Kenya. Ethiopia has started to provide those trainings locally at the Ethiopian Police Collage.Ethiopia, a leading country in Africa in involving in international peacekeeping missions has been deploying police officers to various areas over the past 16 years.

A total of 74 police officers have been deployed to various areas so far. Currently, 29 police officers are discharging their responsibility in South Sudan, Abyie and Darfur areas.

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Ethiopia is ranked as Sub-Saharan Africa’s strongest military power

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Ethiopia is ranked as the strongest military power in Sub Saharan Africa, according to a study by Global Fire Power. The study claims to make use of over 40 factors to determine each country’s power index. Ethiopia with with a total population of 93 million people has 182,500 active frontline personnel. More than 24 million people are considered fit for military service.

In its arsenal, Ethiopia’s military has over 560 tanks, more than 780 armored fighting vehicles. It also has one of the strongest air power in the continent with more than 81 fighting aircraft and as well as 8 attack helicopters.

Ethiopia’s defense budget is $340 million USD according to the report.

Africa’s strongest military is Egypt thanks to annual military aid from the USA followed by Algeria and Ethiopia.

Read the report here

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The Battle of Adwa as a Historic Event

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Enemies have now come upon us to ruin our country ……Our enemies have begun the affair by advancing and digging into the country like moles. With the help of God I will not deliver my country to them. Today, you who are strong, give me your strength, and you who are weak, help me by prayer

Menelik II, Mobilization Proclamation

We have also made known to the Powers that the said Article, as it is written in our language, has another meaning. As you, we also ought to respect our dignity. You wish Ethiopia to be represented before the other Powers as your protectorate, but this shall never be.

Empress Taitu Butul, Responding to Antonelli – Italian Envoy

[The controversial Article XVII of the Treaty of Wuchale, which led to the battle of Adwa . The Italian version stated, “his Majesty, the king of kings of Ethiopia, consents to avail himself of the Italian government for any negotiation which he may enter into with other Powers and governments (per tutte le tratazzioni di affari che averse con altre potenze o governi)]

The “mysterious magnetism” that holds Ethiopia Together

By Donald N. Levine

There are three reasons why we commonly refer to some happening as a historic event: either it occurs for the first time; it has significant consequences; or it is symbolically important. As a first time event, Emperor Menelik’s cession of the Bogos highlands to Italy in 1889 has been described as historic, as the first time that an Ethiopian ruler ever voluntarily ceded territory to a foreign power. In the same vein, Abebe Bikila’s victory in the marathon race in the 1960 Olympics at Rome was historic, as the first time that an Ethiopian won a gold medal.

We also designate events as historic when their consequences significantly alter the shape of subsequent history. The conversion of King Ezanas to Christianity in the middle of the fourth century was historic in this sense because it redirected Ethiopia’s entire cultural development.

Similarly, the protection given to disciples of the Prophet Mohammed by the Ethiopian king in the seventh century was a historic event. It led Mohammed to advise his followers to spare Ethiopia from the jihad of Islamic expansion that took place soon after.

Likewise, the killing of Emperor Yohannes IV by Sudanese Mahdists in 1889 was historic because it opened the way to the ascendancy of an emperor from Shoa. Even when events have no significant direct consequences, we tend to call them historic when they symbolize important national or universal human ideals. The suicide of Emperor Tewodros II had little political consequence, his rule was over, whether or not he was captured alive by the British but it came to symbolize a sentiment of preferring death over demeaning captivity.

The speech of Emperor Haile Selassie to the League of Nations in 1937 is often called a historic address, even though it did nothing to change the course of history, because it came to symbolize the moral weakness of Western democracies in the face of fascist expansionism and the need for a stronger world organization empowered to provide collective security.

The Battle of Adwa in 1896 qualifies as an historic event in all three senses of the term. As a historic first, it represented the first time since the beginning of European imperial expansion that a non-white nation had defeated a European power.

The Battle of Adwa in 1896 also had two fateful consequences the preservation of Ethiopia’s independence from Italian colonization, and the confirmation of Italy’s control over the part of the country Italy had named Eritrea in 1890. Both consequences had repercussions throughout the twentieth century. Italy experienced her defeat at Adwa as intensely humiliating, and that humiliation became a national trauma which demagogic leaders strove to avenge. It also played no little part in motivating Italy’s revanchist adventure in 1935.

On the other hand, Italy’s continued occupation of Eritrea gave her a convenient springboard from which to launch that invasion. A generation later, tensions stemming from the protracted division of historic Ethiopia into two parts one under European governance, one under the Ethiopian Crown culminated in a long civil war, and the eventual secession of Eritrea as an independent state in 1993. In addition to these actual historic consequences, the Battle of Adwa was historic because it acquired symbolic significance of many kinds. In some instances this symbolism itself came to exert a certain influence on the course of events.

Adwa’s Symbolism in Other Countries In Europe, the short-term symbolic significance of the Ethiopian defeat of Italy in 1896 was that it served to initiate a process of rethinking the Europeans’ image of Africa and Africans.

During the nineteenth century Africa had come to be viewed in increasingly pejorative terms, as a continent of people so primitive they were fit only for European rule. Ethiopia did not escape such swipes. British officers called Ethiopia a nation of savages and Italian officials described it as a nation of primitive tribesmen led by a barbarian.

The British Foreign Office supported the provocative move of ceding Zula to Italy, expecting that Yohannes would protest by attacking them and then easily be punished for imagining that Ethiopians were equal to white men. Kaiser Wilhelm responded to Emperor Menelik’s announcement of his accession to the throne with insulting language.

The stunning victory at Adwa required Europeans to take Ethiopia and Africa more seriously. It not only initiated a decade of negotiations with European powers in which nine border treaties were signed, it made Europeans begin to reconsider their prejudices against Africans. It came to symbolize a rising awareness among Europeans of African political resources and yearnings and an increasing recognition of indigenous African cultural accomplishments.

In Japan, Ethiopia became appreciated as the first non-Caucasian power to defeat Europeans, an achievement the Japanese were to duplicate in warfare against Russia in 1904. This appreciation led to a sense of affinity that bore fruit for decades thereafter. Ethiopian intellectuals looked to Japan as a model for modernizing their ancient monarchy; the Meiji Constitution served as a model for the Ethiopian Constitution of 1931.

When Italy invaded Ethiopia again in the mid-thirties, many Japanese citizens (if not the regime formally) expressed solidarity with Ethiopians, sending shipments of many thousands of swords to help Ethiopians in their plight. In Africa, the Battle of Adwa inspired other kinds of symbolism.

For a number of colonized Africans, the Ethiopian victory at Adwa symbolized the possibility of future emancipation. Black South Africans of the Ethiopian Church came to identify with the Christian kingdom in the Horn, a connection that led South African leader James Dwane to write Menelik for help in caring for the Christian communities of Egypt and Sudan.

The victory at Adwa made Ethiopia visible as a beacon of African independence, a position that inspired figures like Nnamdi Azikiwe in Nigeria, Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, and Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya in the early years of the African independence movement, as well as leaders in the West Indies like George Padmore and Marcus Garvey from Jamaica. Adwa as a Symbol of Ethiopia’s Tradition of Independence Within Ethiopia itself, Adwa symbolized many things, some of which had positive consequences for her development while others did not. Internally, as abroad, it symbolized Ethiopia’s proud commitment to freedom from foreign domination.

Of the many emblems of Ethiopia’s historic independence, Adwa is perhaps the most visible and the most dramatic. The spirit of Ethiopians’ defiant protection of their land from outsiders manifests itself in many forms.

There is the apocryphal story of Emperor Tewodros, who is said to have ordered the boots of some visitors washed before they embarked on a ship back to Europe, saying: “Far more precious than jewels is a single drop of Ethiopian soil.” There was the refrain I used to hear young braves chant at festive times, jabbing dula (stick) up and down as they danced and sang: Min alle, Teqel min alle? Ageren le sew, ageren le sew, alsetim alle! (What did Teqel [Haile Selassie’s horse name] say? I won’t give my country to foreigners, he said.)

With respect to Menelik’s reputation, it partly overcame the resentments he had stirred up by ceding Bogos to Italy in exchange for help against his competitors in Tigray. As a historic assertion of Ethiopia’s independence, Adwa also reverberated with memories of Ethiopia’s experience as a long-lived independent polity. Its symbolism thereby encompassed a layer of meaning that alluded to the historic depth of the Ethiopian nation. It revived memories of earlier achievements and yearnings.

At the same time, Adwa may have served to give Ethiopians a false sense of confidence about their position in the modern world. In showing themselves and the world that they could defeat a European invader with their own resources, the 1896 campaign may have led them to think that their traditional resources could be adequate in an era in which war would be waged with tanks and airplanes.

It gave encouragement to isolationist and conservative strains that were deeply rooted in Ethiopian culture, strengthening the hand of those who would strive to keep Ethiopia from adopting techniques imported from the modern West”resistances with which both Menelik and Ras Teferi/Haile Selassie would have to contend.

Adwa as a Symbol of Multi-ethnic Cooperation The symbolism of multi-ethnic collaboration evoked by the Battle of Adwa has been less visible than its role in symbolizing Ethiopia’s tradition of independence. Yet in some ways the former was the most remarkable and meaningful aspect of the entire episode.

Although members of different ethnic, religious, and regional groups had been interacting regularly in Ethiopia for more than 2,000 years”through trading, intermarriage, common ritual observances, pilgrimages, and political competition”from the perspective of Ethiopian history, Adwa offers the most dramatic instance of multi-ethnic collaboration before the 20th century.

This is because it gave expression to a great outpouring of national patriotism, foreshadowing the great patriotic struggles of 1935-41. Even from the perspective of modern world history, Adwa represented a relatively rare struggle for national independence waged by a coalition of diverse ethnic groups.

Twenty-five years earlier, Adwa had been the scene of a protracted battle between Dejazmatch Kasa, who would become Emperor Yohannes IV, and the reigning emperor, Tekle Giorgis II, formerly Wag Shum Gobeze. What the 1871 Battle of Adwa symbolized was the age-old struggle among different regional and ethnic groups for dominance.

Yohannes, like Tewodros II before him, came to the throne determined to reunify the empire, which had been fragmented following the invasion of Ahmed Gragn and subsequent divisive developments. Although Yohannes did not live to see it, the 1896 Battle of Adwa was a tribute to his vision and to the thoughtfulness and determination with which he sought to unify Ethiopia while respecting the local jurisdiction of regional kings and lords so long as they remained faithful to the national crown.

Those who would deny Ethiopia’s long existence as a multi-ethnic society must be embarrassed by the facts of the Adwa experience.

If the empire consisted of nothing but a congeries of separate tribal and regional groups, how then account for the courageous collaboration of 100,000 troops from dozens of ethnic groups from all parts of the country?

How then explain the spirited national patriotism of such diverse leaders as Ras Alula, Ras Mengesha, and Ras Sibhat of Tigray, Dejazmatch Bahta of Akale Guzae, Wag Shum Guangul of Lasta, Ras Mikael of Wollo, Negus Tekle-Haymanot of Gojjam, Ras Gobena and Dejazmatch Balcha of the Mecha Oromo, Ras Wole of the Yejju Oromo, Fitawrari Tekle of Wollega, Ras Mekonnen of Harer, as well as Ras Gebeyehu (who died fighting at Adwa) and Ras Abate of Shoa?

Of course, deeply rooted antagonisms and persistent rivalries among different factions beset Ethiopia throughout the 19th century. And yet, as historian Sven Rubenson has written, “at the crucial moment, Menelik commanded the loyalty of every important chief in the country.” The Battle of Adwa became and remains the most outstanding symbols of what, a half-century later, a British colonel would describe as the “mysterious magnetism” that holds Ethiopia together.

Donald N. Levine, Ph.D.,
The Peter B. Ritzman Professor of Sociology at the University of Chicago.

This article is also published in ONE HOUSE: THE BATTLE OF ADWA, Nyala Publishing.

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UNISFA: United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei , Sudan

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UN

Demilitarizing and monitoring peace in the disputed Abyei Area

The Security Council, by its resolution 1990 PDF Document of 27 June 2011, responded to the urgent situation in Sudan’s Abyei region by establishing the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA). The Security Council was deeply concerned by the violence, escalating tensions and population displacement.

The operation will monitor the flashpoint border between north and south, and is authorized to use force in protecting civilians and humanitarian workers in Abyei.

UNISFA’s establishment came after the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) reached an agreement in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to demilitarize Abyei and let Ethiopian troops to monitor the area.

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AMISOM: Ethiopian Troops formally join AMISOM Peacekeepers in Somalia.

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AMISOM

BAIDOA: The AMISOM family received a new member after Ethiopian forces officially joined the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia in January 22 as earlier approved by the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2124 which authorized an additional force of over 4000 troops to bring the number of AMISOM peacekeepers in Somalia to over 22,126 strong force.

To symbolize the Ethiopian forces entry into AMISOM, the Force Commander (FC) Lt. General Silas Ntigurirwa pinned AU berets and armbands onto Ethiopian officers who removed their own berets signifying they were now formally AMISOM peacekeepers.

The few Ethiopian forces who were officially inducted into AMISOM included the new Sector 3 commander Brig. General Gebremedhin Fikadu Hailu together with a number of other Ethiopian soldiers who mounted a guard of honor for the AMISOM FC.

This is not the first time for Ethiopia, which borders Somalia on the west, to send its troops into the country, having done so on their own mandate but it is the first time for the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) to official join AMISOM and become the sixth African country to contribute to AMISOM in restoring peace and stability in the Horn of African Country.

A colorful ceremony was held for this special occasion in the city of Baidoa which is the tactical headquarters of sector 3 bringing together Bay, Bakool and Gedo regions where the over 4000 Ethiopian peacekeepers will now be in charge.

The event was attended by a host of leader including Senior AMISOM commanders, Ethiopian ambassador to Somalia Wondimu Asamnenu, the European Union ambassador to Somalia Michele Cervone d’Urso, Somalia Deputy Chief of Staff General Abdirisaq Khalif Hussein who was the representative of the Somalia government, local leaders and civil society members led by Bay governor Abdi Adan Hosow.

NEW YEAR RESPONSIBILITIES

The AMISOM FC congratulated the ENDF for joining AMISOM and told them they will be required to adhere to the AMISOM Rules of Engagement as well as all other standing procedures as stipulated in the African Union Mission in Somalia mandate. He also sought to remind the rest of AMISOM that the New Year comes with responsibilities to clear Somalia of the Al-Shabaab militant’s menace.

“The deployment of Ethiopia into AMISOM is a follow up of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2124 clearly clarified by the new Concept of Operation (CONOP) which we will implement as soon as possible. As per the new CONOPs, the newly deployed contingent takes over sector 3 and will work and operate under AMISOM Force Commander Instructions and orders,” Force Commander Lt. Gen. Silas said also thanking the outgoing commander Col John Luc Habarugira and all forces for a job well done .

According to the new AMISOM concept of operation, the Ethiopian forces are required to take over sector 3 and help in sector 4 where Djiboutian peacekeepers are in charge. The Burundian peacekeepers who were in Baidoa will move to Jowhar in lower Shabelle region where they will constitute the new sector 5. The Ugandans previously in Baidoa are expected to bolster their compatriots in sector 1 which is responsible for the greater Mogadishu or Banadir region.

The new AMISOM Sector 3 commander from Ethiopia promised the Force Commander and the Somalis of his forces full adherence to all AMISOM standard operating procedures and hopes their entry will bring much more successes to the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia.

“I assure you that Ethiopia’s Defense Force will make a difference in AMISOM operation by clearing Al-Shabaab from sector 3 and 4 under the command of the force headquarters and completely implement AMISOM’s concept of operation in each of its military activities,” Brig. General Gebremedhin Fikadu Hailu, new AMISOM Sector 3 commander reiterated.

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